ML20203P886: Difference between revisions
StriderTol (talk | contribs) (StriderTol Bot insert) |
StriderTol (talk | contribs) (StriderTol Bot change) |
||
Line 18: | Line 18: | ||
=Text= | =Text= | ||
{{#Wiki_filter:}} | {{#Wiki_filter:, | ||
. = | |||
$ 9IfOCOHHtSPON g 4gw | |||
* M.ay 2 986 UNITED STATES OF AMERICA k | |||
- h\N.g 1986# ! | |||
-JJ NUCLEAR REGULATORY COMMISSION ( ugc /, | |||
m"pj;f.cn BEFORE THE ATOMIC SAFETY AND LICENSING BOARD | |||
'bagg ,, - | |||
In the Matter of: ) | |||
} | |||
COMMONWEALTH EDISON COMPANY ) Docket Nos. 50-456 - | |||
) 50-457 (Braidwood Nuclear Station, ) | |||
Units 1 and 2) ) | |||
TESTIMONY OF DAVID J. MCKIRNAN 01: Please state your name, address and occupation. | |||
A1: My name is David James McKirnan. I am an Associate Professor of Psychology at the University of Illinois at Chicago. | |||
02: Describe briefly your field of study. | |||
A2: I hold a Ph.D. from McGill University, Montreal, Canada, in Clinical and Social Psychology, as well as a B. A. degree in Psychology from Lake Forest College, Illinois. I am a member of the American Psychological Association and of the Canadian Psychological Association, and a Guest reviewer for the American Journal of Community Psychology and the European Journal of Social Psychology, among other journals. | |||
I have also conducted research and published numerous professional papers in the fields of clinical and social 8605080300 860502 '" | |||
PDR 1 | |||
' ADOCK 05000456 3603 . | |||
psychology. One of the central issues addressed in my research has been the operation of social norms and values. | |||
My professional qualifications are more fully set forth in my Vita, attached as McKirnan Exhibit 1 hereto. | |||
03: What is the purpose of your testimony? | |||
A3: I have been asked by counsel for Intervenors to comment, from the perspective of a social psychologist, on the evi-dence of harassment and intimidation of Quality control | |||
-inspectors employed by the L.K. Comstock Company at the | |||
. Braidwood nuclear power plant, and on the likely effect of such harassment and intimidation on inspector performance. | |||
In particular, I will address the psychological processes whereby an organizational climate is likely to affect employees' values and work performa,nce. | |||
04: Have you reviewed relevant materials? | |||
A4: Yes. I have reviewed the applicable NBC Ouality Assurance criteria, the Intervenors' contention with respect to harassment and intimidation of OC inspectors at Braidwood and supporting documents, including the three NRC staff memoranda (dated March 29, March 29 and April 5,1985) attached to Intervenors' July 15, 1985 filing with this Board, and excerpts of various depositions of Comstock OC inspectors at Braidwood. I have also read the prefiled testimony of Dr. Daniel Ilgen. | |||
2 L | |||
05: Does your perspective as a social psychologist differ from the perspective presented by Dr. Ilgen, namely organiza-tional and industrial psychology? | |||
. A5: In discussing learning and incentive mechanisms in the workplace, Dr. Ilgen is relying on particular applications of basic, well established psychological mechanisms recognized by behavioral scientists generally, and well supported by scientific research. These principles apply to learning and the selection of behavior in general, not just within organizations. In addressing the issues in this case there are some areas where I would want to elaborate on the basic' processes he described. | |||
( | |||
06: In what respects? | |||
A6: Of particular impo r tance, from the perspective of social | |||
\ | |||
psychology, is the role of observational learning, that is, N | |||
learning a response not through trial and error with its concomitant rewards and punishments, but through simple observation of someone else. As Dr. Ilgen points out, such learning can be direct -- as when we imitate another person | |||
-- or indirect, as when we read an instruction manual or set of regulations or have a procedure described to us. | |||
i 07: Why is obserOational learning important in the workplace? | |||
x A7: Social psychological research indicates that this form of learning is critical , on tko levels. First, it is pervasive. Both research and common sense dictate that it e | |||
\ | |||
i | |||
- 3. , | |||
g | |||
,w | |||
_ w_: dc_ . - | |||
....n , - | |||
would be dramatically inefficient for us to learn complex, important responses through trial and error: learning to drive a car would be both time consuming and dangerous through trial and error. Second, observational learning is very subtle and complex. One important feature of observational learning, that has been demonstrated in many research studies, is that it facilitates not only the learning of discrete behaviors, but of the values that underlie that behavior. A child who imitates his father in speaking a certain way or waving a flag in a parade not only learns a gesture, but a value system. This process is directly relevant to the learning of organizational values in the workplace. Such value learning is critical: when people enter a system they seek out not simply rote behaviors to model themselves around, but larger values to guide subsequent behavior. | |||
Thus, when an employee is instructed in a particular kind of job performance he or she not only takes away a learned set of specific behaviors or procedures, but a set of values or a larger approach. These values will influence performance standards by " anchoring" the employee's criterion for good or bad work. They also will influence the emp'oyee's motivation or incentive for quality work, via the process described in Dr. Ilgen's testimony: if an employee has a personal value ( e .g . , for a certain level of quality) that is not rewarded or shared elsewhere in the workplace, the incentive for adhering to that value decreases. | |||
4 | |||
e~; | |||
~+ | |||
~:08: Are some sources of observational learning more important than others? | |||
A8: Yes.'~ Psychological research also addresses the focus of observational learning: we tend to model ourselves around those who, cohtrol resources, or in other ways have power in theimmehiate' setting. Here rewards reenter the picture:' we respond most strongly to those who appear to control the environmeni ande potentially, our own eventual rewards and punishments. -, . | |||
:r 09: How does this principle'' apply to observational learning in organizations? | |||
A9: In apply'i ng this principle to organizations, it is important to note that modelling will be strongest around those who j | |||
actuall,y have control, not necessarily those who are suppondd ? | |||
to have control. Most organizations ha've informal l power networks that may or may not match the formal A | |||
organizational chart: the former, not the latter, will be i most telling. Finally, the.causes that we attribute a person's behavior to wil;l strongly af fect our reaction to | |||
~ | |||
that person. If we deduce that a person is acting a parti-cular way for reasons that are specific to that person -- a psychological quirk, a transient state of mind -- we will be | |||
~ | |||
far less influenced than if we view the behavior as widely shared or. as dictated by the exigencies of the larger situa-tion. Thus, in learning organizational culture or values, we will be far more influenced by a supervisor or manager 5 | |||
l whose behavior appears to embody the values of organiza-tion, than by, say, a coworker who seems unusual, unrepre-sentative or inconsistent. | |||
010: Could you summarize your discussion of observational ; | |||
learning thus far? | |||
A10: In summary, in any social setting people learn both concrete behavior and larger values by observing the behavior of others, particularly those who are both powerful and embody a larger culture or value system (these two factors often go together). Value learning is important to work settings insofar as tasks are not automatic or rigidly specified: if an employee must "think for himself" the local values will provide a framework for that thought. Values.may be in conflict: company policy or manuals may express one value, the employee may begin with another, and the actual, immediate work environment may i | |||
impose yet another. The latter will be influential insofar as employees view that environment as exercising direct control over them. Value conflicts are often very stress-l ful, which points up another feature of observational learning: we often learn two conflicting approaches or value systems (" honest" vs. " dishonest", quality orienta-tion vs. quantity orientation) and, while we may conscious-ly disown one of them, our concrete behavior is of ten steered toward which eeer one fits the process described above. | |||
6 | |||
/ | |||
Oll: How does the foregoing analytical framework apply to this case? | |||
All: One way to state the question in this case is whether the work environment at the Braidwood plant would dispose quality. control inspectors toward work behavior or values that emphasized production quantity over quality, despite formal company directives to the contrary. In evaluating whether harassment and intimidation in the workplace lowered inspectors' thresholds for approving welds and other work, such that production was increased at a cost of quality, the relevant questions are: | |||
: 1) Was there a model for the behavior or values in question: did one or several people communicate, either directly through behavior or indirectly through verbal statements, directives, etc., a definable work or value orientation that was inconsistent with the values or approaches ostensibly promulgated by the company? | |||
: 2) If these values were evidenced, were they viewed as stemming from or representative of the larger organizational culture -- that is, were they an integral part of the work environment -- or were they seen as transient, arbitrary or caused by the idiosyncrasies of one or several people? | |||
: 3) Were those people who embodied these values or approaches perceivcd to have formal or informal power, such that: (a) the person (s) in question could directly 7 | |||
L | |||
affect the rewards or punishments administered to employees or, (b) conformity to the target values would generally increase positive outcomes while deviance would decrease rewards? | |||
012: Can you give examples of the type of models for behaviors or values described in subparagraph (1) of your Answer 11? | |||
A12: Yes. Such a model would be provided if, for example, there was a common understanding among inspectors that a super-visor had performed an inordinately large number of inspec-tions in a short period of time. This would convey the message that speed was valued more highly than thoroughness or care. Alternatively, such a model might be suggested by statements from a supervisor encouraging inspectors to follow such an example. | |||
The model might likewise be provided by a supervisor's discouraging inspectors from identifying and documenting quality concerns because of cost or schedule considera-tions. | |||
The model is even more direct in cases where super-visors harass or intimidate inspectors for emphasizing quality concerns over production. Common knowledge of such harassment or intimidation could be expected to have a powerful effect in modifying values and affecting inspector | |||
. behavior. | |||
8 | |||
_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ .x | |||
013: Can you give examples of evidence that such models were perceived as representative of the larger organizational culture, and not merely of the idiosyncrasies of particular persons, as described in subparagraph (2) of your Answer 11? | |||
A13: Yes. A general belief among inspectors that management regards inspection quantity as more important than quality would be evidence that such a value was viewed as represen-tative of the larger organizational culture. From the perspective of individual inspectors, the evidence of such values can be both affirmative and negative. Affirmative evidence would include, for example, representatives of different levels of management expressing such values. It would also include ratification by management of retalia-tions against those who express quality concerns. | |||
Examples of negative evidence of such values would include failure by management to respond to repeated complaints about production pressure and ouality concerns. | |||
014: Can you give examples of evidence that the persons embodying these values were perceived to have formal or informal power, as described in subparagraph (3) of your Answer 11? | |||
A14: Yes. The ability of managers expressing such values to bring about the termination, transfer, denial of overtime or of other opportunities for pay or promotion, or other adverse employment effects, would evidence such power. | |||
9 | |||
__.?* | |||
Conversely, the power of such persons to administer. rewards in the workplace would lead to the perception that they I- ~ wield such formal or informal power. | |||
i '015:- Based on your review of documents in this case, do you have a | |||
an opinion.with respect to the three factors identified in | |||
.your Answer 11 as applied to this case? | |||
A15: Yes. The. evidence I have reviewed indicates that there | |||
{ | |||
were models for valuing production over quality, that such models were viewed as representative of the larger | |||
~ | |||
organizational culture, and that the people who embodied | |||
. them were perceived as having formal and informal power. | |||
{ 016: Do you have an opinion as to whether the harassment, intimidation and production pressure evidenced in the j documents you have reviewed had an adverse effect on l inspector work performance? | |||
A16: Yes. I think it is highly probable that the conditions of r | |||
'the workplace significantly affected the quality control inspectors' values and attitudes toward their job, as well 4 | |||
as their thresholds for approving work. Of course, the extent of any actual adverse shift in performance standards is an empirical question that would have to be determined t | |||
by a rigorous evaluation, using both behavioral science and engineering approaches, of whether there was, in fact, such an adverse effect. | |||
However, the evidence I have seen to date leads me to 10 i | |||
strongly recommend that such an investigation or evaluation be undertaken, given the high probability, in my judgment, that such an adverse shift in performance standards actually occurred. *I understand that Dr. Richard Arvey's testimony will address questions related to how such an evaluation might be conducted. | |||
017: Have you reviewed deposition testimony of Comstock QC inspectors suggesting that they had not personally approved deficient work and denying personal knowledge of other inspectors having done so? | |||
A17: Yes. | |||
018: Do you have any comments from the perspective of behavioral science on such statements? | |||
A18: From both a psychological and common sense pc ective I would say that these people would be strong motivated, given both the context within which the question was asked and the form of the question, to present themselves and their co-workers in a favorable light. So I certainly would consider it highly unlikely for an individual in that position to admit to actions that would both reflect very badly on his or her performance standards and might actually endanger his or her job, or be perceived by the individual as exposing him to legal liability. | |||
In addition to the possibility that inspectors simply denied that they had personally approved deficient work, a 11 | |||
more subtle process may be operating. That-is, I would anticipate that the " quantity over quality" values in the workplace might lower the performance standards of the { | |||
quality control inspectors generally, such that the norms dif ferentiating " good" from " bad" work may become less clear. This is the " anchoring" ef fect I spoke of earlier. | |||
While no inspector may identify a piece of work as defi-cient yet pass it, inspectors may generally understand that the standard of quality for passable work is becoming lower. This could give rise to their having a widespread sense that quality control inspectors generally are being pressed toward accepting lower quality work -- hence their appeal to the NRC -- without any specific inspector feeling that he or she had knowingly approved a deficient piece of work. | |||
12 | |||
MCKIRNAN EXHIBIT 1 CURRICULUM VITAE ' | |||
Name: David James McKirnan Date of Birth. July 10, 1950 Education 1973 B.A. (psychology), Lake Forest College, Lake Forest Illinois U.S.A. | |||
1978 Ph.D. (clinical and social psychology), McGill University, Montreal, Quebec, Canada. | |||
Professional Experience Teaching Positions 1972-1973 Teaching Assistant, philosophical foundations of psychology Lake Forest College. | |||
1973-1975 Teaching Assistant, basic issues in psychology, McGill University. | |||
1975-1978 Teaching Associate, social psychology, McGill University. | |||
Presently Associate Professor, University of Illinois at Chicago, Chicago, Illinois. | |||
Research Positions 1970-1973 Research assistant, Lake Forest College, department of psychology. | |||
1975-1976 Principal investigator: " Community attitudes toward alcohol abuse", project funded by I.N.R.S. Sante, St. Jean de' Dieu !!ospital, Montreal, Quebec, Canada. | |||
1976 Research associate for. field project associated with Canada Secretary of State Multiculturalism project (J. Berry, R. Kalin | |||
& D.M. Taylor, principle investigators). | |||
1977-1978 Principal investigator (with D.M. Taylor & L.M. Simard): " Field study of alienation in an industrial setting". | |||
1978 Principal investigator (with D.M. Taylor & L.M. Simard): " Field study of attitude change in an industrial setting". | |||
presently Principal investigator: "The identification of alcohol abuse in three Chicago communities". | |||
9 | |||
McKirnin. D.J. . | |||
Clinical Positions 1971 Para-professional counselor for the Juvenile Probation Department of the Waukee8an Illinois Department of Corrections. | |||
1972-1973 Staff trainer for conmunity based crisis intervention center, funded by Lake County Illinois Department of Mental Health. | |||
1973-1975 Psychology intern, Ville LaSalle Community Psychiatric Center, affi}iated with the out-patient Department of the Douglas Hospital, Verdun, Quebec, Canada. | |||
1976-1977 Psychologist, Mental Health Section, McGill University Health Center, Montreal, Quebec, Canada. | |||
1975-1977 Guidance Counsellor, Concordia University Guidance Department, Montreal, Quebec, Canada. | |||
Presently Clinical supervisor, Office of Applied Psychological Services, Academic Awards University f Illinois at Chicago, Dept. of Psychology. | |||
1973 Elected to Sigma Chi National Psychology Honorary Society. | |||
1978 Dean's list for Doctoral dissertation, McGill Un'iversity. | |||
McKirnin, D.J. | |||
Research Publications McKirnan, D.J. A community approach to the recognition of alcohol abuse: The drinking norms of three Montreal communities. Canadian Journal of Behavioral Science, 1977, 9,, 108-122. | |||
McKirnan, D.J. Deviance and the community: Some factors in the definition of alcohol abuse. American Journal of Community Psychology, 1978, 6_, 219-238. | |||
Taylor, D.M. & McKirnan, D.J. Cultural insecurity, multiculturalism and ethnic attitudes. Canadian Journal of Ethnic Studies, 1979, 11, 19-30. | |||
Giles, H., Llado, N., McKirnan, D.J. & Taylor, D.M. Social identity in Peurto Rico. International Journal of Psychology, 1979, H , 185-201. | |||
McKirnan, D.J. Tt.' identification of deviance: A conceptualization and an initial test of a model of social norms. European Journal of Social Psychology, 1980, _10,, 75-93. | |||
McKirnan, D.J. The second Rand report and controlled drinking as a treatment goal. Alcohol and Drug Abuse Newsletter, 1980, 1, 3-6. | |||
McKirnan, D.J. Community differences in conceptions of deviant behavior: An exploratory study of attitudes toward alcohol related help sources. | |||
American Journal of' Community Psychology, 1980, 8, 637-654. | |||
McKirnan, D.J. & Hamayan, E.V. Language norms and perceptions of ethno-linguistic group diversity. In H. Giles (Ed.), Language, Social Psych 1ological Perspectives. | |||
Oxford, Pergamon Press, 1980. Pp. 161-169. | |||
McKirnan, D.J. The recognition of alcohol abuse: Socio-economic status differences in social norms. In D. Taylor & J. Bellerose (Eds.), | |||
Social Psychology: A Cognitive - Group Approach. Boston: Cinn Pub., 1931. ' | |||
Taylor, D.M. & McKirnan, D.J. A stage model of intergroup conflict and change. In D. Taylor & J. Bellerose (Eds.), Social Psychology: A Cognitive - Group Approach. Boston: Ginn Pub. ,1981. , | |||
Taylor, D.M., Rieger, D., McKirnan, D.J. & Bercusson, T. Interpreting and coping with threat in the context of inter-group relations. Journal of Social Psychology, 1982, 117, 257-269. . | |||
a McKirnan, D.J. Review of R. Scollon & S.B.K. Scollon, Harrative, Literacy and Face in Interethnic Communication. Applied Psycholinguistics, 1983, 4_, 93-98. | |||
Taylor, D.M., Simard, J.M., McKirnan, D.J. & Bellcrose, J. Anglophone and Francophone perceptions of differences in approaches to work. Canadian Journal of Behavioral Science, 1982, M , 144-151. | |||
M Kirnan, D.J., Smith, C. & Hamayan, E.V. A sociolinguistic approach to tha belief-similarity model of racial attitudes. Journal of Experimental Social Psycholoav. 1983, 1_9_, 434-447. | |||
McKirnan, D.J. Review of C. Fraser & K.R. Scherer (Eds.), Advances in the. | |||
Social Psychology of Language. Applied Psycholinguistics, 1983, 4 (4). | |||
L | |||
McKirnan, D.J. | |||
Research Publications (cont.) | |||
McKirnan, D.J. The identification of alcohol problems: Socio-economic status differences in social norms and caur.,al attributions. American Journal of Community Psychology,1984, H, 465-484. | |||
McKirnan, D.J. & Hamayan, E.V. Social norms and perceptions of ethno-linguistic diversity: Toward a conceptual and research framework. European Journal of Social Psychology, 1984, M , 161-168. | |||
McKirnan, D.J. & llamayan, E.V. Social norms and attitudes toward outgroup members: A test of a model in a bicultural context. Journal of Social Psychology and Language, 1984, 3_ (1), 21-38. | |||
McKirnan, D.J. The role of social norms in adolescent alcohol use: A test of a model within a stress-vulnerability framework. Journal of Studies on Alcohol, (accepted for publication pending current revision). | |||
Rosenzweig, L.H., McKirnan, D.J. & Sameroff, A. Daily life stressors and the psychopathology of everyday life: The development and test of a scale. | |||
Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, In review. | |||
McKirnan, D.J. Measuring adolescents # approach to alcohol: The reliability of alcohol norm, attitude and consumption indicies. | |||
Addictive Behaviors. In review. | |||
Taylor, D.M. & McKirnan, D.J. A five-stage model of intergroup change. | |||
British Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology, In Press. | |||
Ruderman, A. & McKirnan, D.J. The develppment of a restrained drinking scale: | |||
A test 6f the abstenence violation effect among alcohol users. benaviur Addictive Behaviors, 1985, 2, 3'5-371. | |||
Review of: Alcohol, Drug abuse and Aggression, E. Cottheil et al. (Ed.), | |||
Contemporary Psychology., 1985, 3_0, (3) , ~189-191. | |||
McKirnan, D.J. & Johnson, T. Alcohol and Drug Use Among " Street" Adolescento. | |||
Addictive Beliaviors, In Press, 1985. ' | |||
McKirnan, D.J. & Johnson, T. The limits of Self-help: The Birth and Death of an Ex-Mental Patient Self !!cip and Advocacy Organization. To be submitted to American Journal of Community Psychology. (In preparation). | |||
McKirnan, D.J. Alcoholism. Medical and IIcalth Annual, 1985. Encyclopedia | |||
* Britannica Inc, Chicago, 1985. Pp. 190-194. | |||
McKirnan, D.J. Drinking norms among young adults: A stress - vulnerability approach. Addictive Behaviors, In Press, 1985. | |||
.!Q | |||
'McKirntn,'D.J. * | |||
' q(* . | |||
Papers Presented at Professional Meetings McKirnan, D.J. A community approach to alcohol abuse. Paper presented to the annual meeting of the Canadian Psychological Association, Toronto, Ontario, , | |||
June, 1976. | |||
McKirnan, D.J. The definition of alcohol abuse in three Montreal communities. | |||
Paper presented to the annual meeting of the Canadian Psychological Association, Vancouver, British Columbia, 1977. | |||
McKirnan, D.J. Some thoughts on the " unit of analysis" in social psychology. | |||
Paper presented to the annual meeting of the Canadian Psychological Association, Vancouver, British Columbia, June, 1977. | |||
McKirnan, D.J. & Hamayan, E.V. Language norms and percept!ons of ethno-linguistic group differences. Paper presented to the British Psychological Society, Social Psychology Section, International Conference on Social Psychology and Language, Bristol, England, July, 1979 (Invited paper) . | |||
McKirnan, D.J. Invited discussant: Socio-emotional Development and Childhood Bilingualism. Conference on Childhood Bilingualism: Aspects of Cognitive, Social and Emotional Development. New York: June, 1982. | |||
McKirnan, D.J. Social Norms and Cross Cultural Factors in Alcohol Abuse. International Conference on Alcohol and Drug Abuse, Jerusalem, Israel, August, 1981 l (participation declined due to lack of travel funds.) | |||
l McKirnan, D.J. A Social Psychological Model of the Identification of Alcohol Abuse. | |||
. International Conference on the Addictions. Grand Canyon, New Mexico, L November, 1981. | |||
McKirnan, D., Hamayan, E. & Morrow, J. A Belief - Similarity Approach to Language use in Interacial Contexts. International Conference on Language Problems and Policy, Cancun. Mexico, December, 1981. | |||
Morrow, J. & McKirnan, D.J. Ethnic Identity and Conflicting Speech Norms. | |||
International Conference on Language Problems and Policy, Cancun, Mexico, December, 1981. | |||
McKirnan, D. Socio-economic Status Differences in the Identification of Deviance. | |||
Midwestern Psychological Association Annual Meeting, May, 1981. | |||
McKirnan, D.J. Language and Language norms as determinants of Percieved Belief-Similarity. American Psychological Association' Annual Meeting, August, 1982. | |||
Ruderman, A. & McKirnan, D.J. Binging and Bending: A test of the Restrained Drinking Hypothesis. American Psychological Association Annual Meeting, August, 1982. | |||
n . i - . .. - - | |||
,3- , | |||
McKirnan. D.J. | |||
-Professional Papers (continued) | |||
'Hamayan, E.V. & McKirnan, D.J. The Importance of Being Fluent: Non-na tive Speech and Interpersonal Perceptions. Invited address; Third annual Language Assessment Institute, Chicago Ill. , June,1983. | |||
* Hamayan, E. & McKirnan, D.J. Non-native speech: A conceptual and research framework of language norms. Annual TESOL convention, Toronto, March,1983. | |||
McKirnan, D.J..& Hamayan, E.V. Speech norms and intergroup perceptions: A test of a model in a bi-cultural context. 2nd. International Conference on Social Psychology an Language, Bristol, England, July, 1983. | |||
McKirnan, D.J.-6 Hamayan, E.V. Speech style and attitudes: The role of cultural inferences and causal attributions.- 2nd International Conference on Social | |||
' Psychology and Language, Bristol England, July, 1983. | |||
Hartman, D. & McKirnan, D.J. Risky decisions in depression: Sad schemas produce unexpected utility values. Annual Convention of the American Psychological Association, Anaheim California, August, 1983. | |||
McKirnan, D.J. Models of Speech Norms in Social Interaction. Invited address, to be given at International Conf erence on Psychology, Language and EthAic Group Relations, University of Tasmania, Hobart Australia, August, 1985. | |||
NcKirnan, D.J. Guest Symposium Convener: Language and Social Group Norms. | |||
3rd. International Conference on Social Psychology and Language, Bristol, England, 1987. (Specific title to be announced.) | |||
McKirnan, D. J. & Johnson, T. Alcohol and Drug Abuse Among " Street" Adolescents: | |||
An Exploratory Study. Annual Convention.of the American Psychological Association, Los Angeles CA, August, 1985. | |||
3 I. | |||
i | |||
( | |||
L | |||
3 McKirnen. D.J. | |||
Professional Review Activities Gerst reviewer: Journal of Abnormal Psychology American Journal of Community Psychology | |||
, Journal of Applied Psycholinguistics European Journal of Social Psychology Grant reviews: University of Illinois llcalth Sciences Center Intramural Grant Program Professional Organization Memberships Americal Psychological Association Canadian . Psychological Association Society of Psychologists in Substance Abuse B | |||
) | |||
i i | |||
~ | |||
: r. a - - . - . ~ - _ . _ _ - . -_ . _ - _ . _ _ . - . _ _ . - - . - . - . _ - - . . _ - . - - - _ _ _ . _ . _ ..-_______-s-}} |
Latest revision as of 01:43, 31 December 2020
ML20203P886 | |
Person / Time | |
---|---|
Site: | Braidwood |
Issue date: | 05/02/1986 |
From: | Mckirnan D ILLINOIS INSTITUTE OF TECHNOLOGY, CHICAGO, IL |
To: | |
Shared Package | |
ML20203P887 | List: |
References | |
CON-#286-070, CON-#286-70 OL, NUDOCS 8605080300 | |
Download: ML20203P886 (19) | |
Text
,
. =
$ 9IfOCOHHtSPON g 4gw
- M.ay 2 986 UNITED STATES OF AMERICA k
- h\N.g 1986# !
-JJ NUCLEAR REGULATORY COMMISSION ( ugc /,
m"pj;f.cn BEFORE THE ATOMIC SAFETY AND LICENSING BOARD
'bagg ,, -
In the Matter of: )
}
COMMONWEALTH EDISON COMPANY ) Docket Nos. 50-456 -
) 50-457 (Braidwood Nuclear Station, )
Units 1 and 2) )
TESTIMONY OF DAVID J. MCKIRNAN 01: Please state your name, address and occupation.
A1: My name is David James McKirnan. I am an Associate Professor of Psychology at the University of Illinois at Chicago.
02: Describe briefly your field of study.
A2: I hold a Ph.D. from McGill University, Montreal, Canada, in Clinical and Social Psychology, as well as a B. A. degree in Psychology from Lake Forest College, Illinois. I am a member of the American Psychological Association and of the Canadian Psychological Association, and a Guest reviewer for the American Journal of Community Psychology and the European Journal of Social Psychology, among other journals.
I have also conducted research and published numerous professional papers in the fields of clinical and social 8605080300 860502 '"
PDR 1
' ADOCK 05000456 3603 .
psychology. One of the central issues addressed in my research has been the operation of social norms and values.
My professional qualifications are more fully set forth in my Vita, attached as McKirnan Exhibit 1 hereto.
03: What is the purpose of your testimony?
A3: I have been asked by counsel for Intervenors to comment, from the perspective of a social psychologist, on the evi-dence of harassment and intimidation of Quality control
-inspectors employed by the L.K. Comstock Company at the
. Braidwood nuclear power plant, and on the likely effect of such harassment and intimidation on inspector performance.
In particular, I will address the psychological processes whereby an organizational climate is likely to affect employees' values and work performa,nce.
04: Have you reviewed relevant materials?
A4: Yes. I have reviewed the applicable NBC Ouality Assurance criteria, the Intervenors' contention with respect to harassment and intimidation of OC inspectors at Braidwood and supporting documents, including the three NRC staff memoranda (dated March 29, March 29 and April 5,1985) attached to Intervenors' July 15, 1985 filing with this Board, and excerpts of various depositions of Comstock OC inspectors at Braidwood. I have also read the prefiled testimony of Dr. Daniel Ilgen.
2 L
05: Does your perspective as a social psychologist differ from the perspective presented by Dr. Ilgen, namely organiza-tional and industrial psychology?
. A5: In discussing learning and incentive mechanisms in the workplace, Dr. Ilgen is relying on particular applications of basic, well established psychological mechanisms recognized by behavioral scientists generally, and well supported by scientific research. These principles apply to learning and the selection of behavior in general, not just within organizations. In addressing the issues in this case there are some areas where I would want to elaborate on the basic' processes he described.
(
06: In what respects?
A6: Of particular impo r tance, from the perspective of social
\
psychology, is the role of observational learning, that is, N
learning a response not through trial and error with its concomitant rewards and punishments, but through simple observation of someone else. As Dr. Ilgen points out, such learning can be direct -- as when we imitate another person
-- or indirect, as when we read an instruction manual or set of regulations or have a procedure described to us.
i 07: Why is obserOational learning important in the workplace?
x A7: Social psychological research indicates that this form of learning is critical , on tko levels. First, it is pervasive. Both research and common sense dictate that it e
\
i
- 3. ,
g
,w
_ w_: dc_ . -
....n , -
would be dramatically inefficient for us to learn complex, important responses through trial and error: learning to drive a car would be both time consuming and dangerous through trial and error. Second, observational learning is very subtle and complex. One important feature of observational learning, that has been demonstrated in many research studies, is that it facilitates not only the learning of discrete behaviors, but of the values that underlie that behavior. A child who imitates his father in speaking a certain way or waving a flag in a parade not only learns a gesture, but a value system. This process is directly relevant to the learning of organizational values in the workplace. Such value learning is critical: when people enter a system they seek out not simply rote behaviors to model themselves around, but larger values to guide subsequent behavior.
Thus, when an employee is instructed in a particular kind of job performance he or she not only takes away a learned set of specific behaviors or procedures, but a set of values or a larger approach. These values will influence performance standards by " anchoring" the employee's criterion for good or bad work. They also will influence the emp'oyee's motivation or incentive for quality work, via the process described in Dr. Ilgen's testimony: if an employee has a personal value ( e .g . , for a certain level of quality) that is not rewarded or shared elsewhere in the workplace, the incentive for adhering to that value decreases.
4
e~;
~+
~:08: Are some sources of observational learning more important than others?
A8: Yes.'~ Psychological research also addresses the focus of observational learning: we tend to model ourselves around those who, cohtrol resources, or in other ways have power in theimmehiate' setting. Here rewards reenter the picture:' we respond most strongly to those who appear to control the environmeni ande potentially, our own eventual rewards and punishments. -, .
- r 09: How does this principle apply to observational learning in organizations?
A9: In apply'i ng this principle to organizations, it is important to note that modelling will be strongest around those who j
actuall,y have control, not necessarily those who are suppondd ?
to have control. Most organizations ha've informal l power networks that may or may not match the formal A
organizational chart: the former, not the latter, will be i most telling. Finally, the.causes that we attribute a person's behavior to wil;l strongly af fect our reaction to
~
that person. If we deduce that a person is acting a parti-cular way for reasons that are specific to that person -- a psychological quirk, a transient state of mind -- we will be
~
far less influenced than if we view the behavior as widely shared or. as dictated by the exigencies of the larger situa-tion. Thus, in learning organizational culture or values, we will be far more influenced by a supervisor or manager 5
l whose behavior appears to embody the values of organiza-tion, than by, say, a coworker who seems unusual, unrepre-sentative or inconsistent.
010: Could you summarize your discussion of observational ;
learning thus far?
A10: In summary, in any social setting people learn both concrete behavior and larger values by observing the behavior of others, particularly those who are both powerful and embody a larger culture or value system (these two factors often go together). Value learning is important to work settings insofar as tasks are not automatic or rigidly specified: if an employee must "think for himself" the local values will provide a framework for that thought. Values.may be in conflict: company policy or manuals may express one value, the employee may begin with another, and the actual, immediate work environment may i
impose yet another. The latter will be influential insofar as employees view that environment as exercising direct control over them. Value conflicts are often very stress-l ful, which points up another feature of observational learning: we often learn two conflicting approaches or value systems (" honest" vs. " dishonest", quality orienta-tion vs. quantity orientation) and, while we may conscious-ly disown one of them, our concrete behavior is of ten steered toward which eeer one fits the process described above.
6
/
Oll: How does the foregoing analytical framework apply to this case?
All: One way to state the question in this case is whether the work environment at the Braidwood plant would dispose quality. control inspectors toward work behavior or values that emphasized production quantity over quality, despite formal company directives to the contrary. In evaluating whether harassment and intimidation in the workplace lowered inspectors' thresholds for approving welds and other work, such that production was increased at a cost of quality, the relevant questions are:
- 1) Was there a model for the behavior or values in question: did one or several people communicate, either directly through behavior or indirectly through verbal statements, directives, etc., a definable work or value orientation that was inconsistent with the values or approaches ostensibly promulgated by the company?
- 2) If these values were evidenced, were they viewed as stemming from or representative of the larger organizational culture -- that is, were they an integral part of the work environment -- or were they seen as transient, arbitrary or caused by the idiosyncrasies of one or several people?
- 3) Were those people who embodied these values or approaches perceivcd to have formal or informal power, such that: (a) the person (s) in question could directly 7
L
affect the rewards or punishments administered to employees or, (b) conformity to the target values would generally increase positive outcomes while deviance would decrease rewards?
012: Can you give examples of the type of models for behaviors or values described in subparagraph (1) of your Answer 11?
A12: Yes. Such a model would be provided if, for example, there was a common understanding among inspectors that a super-visor had performed an inordinately large number of inspec-tions in a short period of time. This would convey the message that speed was valued more highly than thoroughness or care. Alternatively, such a model might be suggested by statements from a supervisor encouraging inspectors to follow such an example.
The model might likewise be provided by a supervisor's discouraging inspectors from identifying and documenting quality concerns because of cost or schedule considera-tions.
The model is even more direct in cases where super-visors harass or intimidate inspectors for emphasizing quality concerns over production. Common knowledge of such harassment or intimidation could be expected to have a powerful effect in modifying values and affecting inspector
. behavior.
8
_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ .x
013: Can you give examples of evidence that such models were perceived as representative of the larger organizational culture, and not merely of the idiosyncrasies of particular persons, as described in subparagraph (2) of your Answer 11?
A13: Yes. A general belief among inspectors that management regards inspection quantity as more important than quality would be evidence that such a value was viewed as represen-tative of the larger organizational culture. From the perspective of individual inspectors, the evidence of such values can be both affirmative and negative. Affirmative evidence would include, for example, representatives of different levels of management expressing such values. It would also include ratification by management of retalia-tions against those who express quality concerns.
Examples of negative evidence of such values would include failure by management to respond to repeated complaints about production pressure and ouality concerns.
014: Can you give examples of evidence that the persons embodying these values were perceived to have formal or informal power, as described in subparagraph (3) of your Answer 11?
A14: Yes. The ability of managers expressing such values to bring about the termination, transfer, denial of overtime or of other opportunities for pay or promotion, or other adverse employment effects, would evidence such power.
9
__.?*
Conversely, the power of such persons to administer. rewards in the workplace would lead to the perception that they I- ~ wield such formal or informal power.
i '015:- Based on your review of documents in this case, do you have a
an opinion.with respect to the three factors identified in
.your Answer 11 as applied to this case?
A15: Yes. The. evidence I have reviewed indicates that there
{
were models for valuing production over quality, that such models were viewed as representative of the larger
~
organizational culture, and that the people who embodied
. them were perceived as having formal and informal power.
{ 016: Do you have an opinion as to whether the harassment, intimidation and production pressure evidenced in the j documents you have reviewed had an adverse effect on l inspector work performance?
A16: Yes. I think it is highly probable that the conditions of r
'the workplace significantly affected the quality control inspectors' values and attitudes toward their job, as well 4
as their thresholds for approving work. Of course, the extent of any actual adverse shift in performance standards is an empirical question that would have to be determined t
by a rigorous evaluation, using both behavioral science and engineering approaches, of whether there was, in fact, such an adverse effect.
However, the evidence I have seen to date leads me to 10 i
strongly recommend that such an investigation or evaluation be undertaken, given the high probability, in my judgment, that such an adverse shift in performance standards actually occurred. *I understand that Dr. Richard Arvey's testimony will address questions related to how such an evaluation might be conducted.
017: Have you reviewed deposition testimony of Comstock QC inspectors suggesting that they had not personally approved deficient work and denying personal knowledge of other inspectors having done so?
A17: Yes.
018: Do you have any comments from the perspective of behavioral science on such statements?
A18: From both a psychological and common sense pc ective I would say that these people would be strong motivated, given both the context within which the question was asked and the form of the question, to present themselves and their co-workers in a favorable light. So I certainly would consider it highly unlikely for an individual in that position to admit to actions that would both reflect very badly on his or her performance standards and might actually endanger his or her job, or be perceived by the individual as exposing him to legal liability.
In addition to the possibility that inspectors simply denied that they had personally approved deficient work, a 11
more subtle process may be operating. That-is, I would anticipate that the " quantity over quality" values in the workplace might lower the performance standards of the {
quality control inspectors generally, such that the norms dif ferentiating " good" from " bad" work may become less clear. This is the " anchoring" ef fect I spoke of earlier.
While no inspector may identify a piece of work as defi-cient yet pass it, inspectors may generally understand that the standard of quality for passable work is becoming lower. This could give rise to their having a widespread sense that quality control inspectors generally are being pressed toward accepting lower quality work -- hence their appeal to the NRC -- without any specific inspector feeling that he or she had knowingly approved a deficient piece of work.
12
MCKIRNAN EXHIBIT 1 CURRICULUM VITAE '
Name: David James McKirnan Date of Birth. July 10, 1950 Education 1973 B.A. (psychology), Lake Forest College, Lake Forest Illinois U.S.A.
1978 Ph.D. (clinical and social psychology), McGill University, Montreal, Quebec, Canada.
Professional Experience Teaching Positions 1972-1973 Teaching Assistant, philosophical foundations of psychology Lake Forest College.
1973-1975 Teaching Assistant, basic issues in psychology, McGill University.
1975-1978 Teaching Associate, social psychology, McGill University.
Presently Associate Professor, University of Illinois at Chicago, Chicago, Illinois.
Research Positions 1970-1973 Research assistant, Lake Forest College, department of psychology.
1975-1976 Principal investigator: " Community attitudes toward alcohol abuse", project funded by I.N.R.S. Sante, St. Jean de' Dieu !!ospital, Montreal, Quebec, Canada.
1976 Research associate for. field project associated with Canada Secretary of State Multiculturalism project (J. Berry, R. Kalin
& D.M. Taylor, principle investigators).
1977-1978 Principal investigator (with D.M. Taylor & L.M. Simard): " Field study of alienation in an industrial setting".
1978 Principal investigator (with D.M. Taylor & L.M. Simard): " Field study of attitude change in an industrial setting".
presently Principal investigator: "The identification of alcohol abuse in three Chicago communities".
9
McKirnin. D.J. .
Clinical Positions 1971 Para-professional counselor for the Juvenile Probation Department of the Waukee8an Illinois Department of Corrections.
1972-1973 Staff trainer for conmunity based crisis intervention center, funded by Lake County Illinois Department of Mental Health.
1973-1975 Psychology intern, Ville LaSalle Community Psychiatric Center, affi}iated with the out-patient Department of the Douglas Hospital, Verdun, Quebec, Canada.
1976-1977 Psychologist, Mental Health Section, McGill University Health Center, Montreal, Quebec, Canada.
1975-1977 Guidance Counsellor, Concordia University Guidance Department, Montreal, Quebec, Canada.
Presently Clinical supervisor, Office of Applied Psychological Services, Academic Awards University f Illinois at Chicago, Dept. of Psychology.
1973 Elected to Sigma Chi National Psychology Honorary Society.
1978 Dean's list for Doctoral dissertation, McGill Un'iversity.
McKirnin, D.J.
Research Publications McKirnan, D.J. A community approach to the recognition of alcohol abuse: The drinking norms of three Montreal communities. Canadian Journal of Behavioral Science, 1977, 9,, 108-122.
McKirnan, D.J. Deviance and the community: Some factors in the definition of alcohol abuse. American Journal of Community Psychology, 1978, 6_, 219-238.
Taylor, D.M. & McKirnan, D.J. Cultural insecurity, multiculturalism and ethnic attitudes. Canadian Journal of Ethnic Studies, 1979, 11, 19-30.
Giles, H., Llado, N., McKirnan, D.J. & Taylor, D.M. Social identity in Peurto Rico. International Journal of Psychology, 1979, H , 185-201.
McKirnan, D.J. Tt.' identification of deviance: A conceptualization and an initial test of a model of social norms. European Journal of Social Psychology, 1980, _10,, 75-93.
McKirnan, D.J. The second Rand report and controlled drinking as a treatment goal. Alcohol and Drug Abuse Newsletter, 1980, 1, 3-6.
McKirnan, D.J. Community differences in conceptions of deviant behavior: An exploratory study of attitudes toward alcohol related help sources.
American Journal of' Community Psychology, 1980, 8, 637-654.
McKirnan, D.J. & Hamayan, E.V. Language norms and perceptions of ethno-linguistic group diversity. In H. Giles (Ed.), Language, Social Psych 1ological Perspectives.
Oxford, Pergamon Press, 1980. Pp. 161-169.
McKirnan, D.J. The recognition of alcohol abuse: Socio-economic status differences in social norms. In D. Taylor & J. Bellerose (Eds.),
Social Psychology: A Cognitive - Group Approach. Boston: Cinn Pub., 1931. '
Taylor, D.M. & McKirnan, D.J. A stage model of intergroup conflict and change. In D. Taylor & J. Bellerose (Eds.), Social Psychology: A Cognitive - Group Approach. Boston: Ginn Pub. ,1981. ,
Taylor, D.M., Rieger, D., McKirnan, D.J. & Bercusson, T. Interpreting and coping with threat in the context of inter-group relations. Journal of Social Psychology, 1982, 117, 257-269. .
a McKirnan, D.J. Review of R. Scollon & S.B.K. Scollon, Harrative, Literacy and Face in Interethnic Communication. Applied Psycholinguistics, 1983, 4_, 93-98.
Taylor, D.M., Simard, J.M., McKirnan, D.J. & Bellcrose, J. Anglophone and Francophone perceptions of differences in approaches to work. Canadian Journal of Behavioral Science, 1982, M , 144-151.
M Kirnan, D.J., Smith, C. & Hamayan, E.V. A sociolinguistic approach to tha belief-similarity model of racial attitudes. Journal of Experimental Social Psycholoav. 1983, 1_9_, 434-447.
McKirnan, D.J. Review of C. Fraser & K.R. Scherer (Eds.), Advances in the.
Social Psychology of Language. Applied Psycholinguistics, 1983, 4 (4).
L
McKirnan, D.J.
Research Publications (cont.)
McKirnan, D.J. The identification of alcohol problems: Socio-economic status differences in social norms and caur.,al attributions. American Journal of Community Psychology,1984, H, 465-484.
McKirnan, D.J. & Hamayan, E.V. Social norms and perceptions of ethno-linguistic diversity: Toward a conceptual and research framework. European Journal of Social Psychology, 1984, M , 161-168.
McKirnan, D.J. & llamayan, E.V. Social norms and attitudes toward outgroup members: A test of a model in a bicultural context. Journal of Social Psychology and Language, 1984, 3_ (1), 21-38.
McKirnan, D.J. The role of social norms in adolescent alcohol use: A test of a model within a stress-vulnerability framework. Journal of Studies on Alcohol, (accepted for publication pending current revision).
Rosenzweig, L.H., McKirnan, D.J. & Sameroff, A. Daily life stressors and the psychopathology of everyday life: The development and test of a scale.
Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, In review.
McKirnan, D.J. Measuring adolescents # approach to alcohol: The reliability of alcohol norm, attitude and consumption indicies.
Addictive Behaviors. In review.
Taylor, D.M. & McKirnan, D.J. A five-stage model of intergroup change.
British Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology, In Press.
Ruderman, A. & McKirnan, D.J. The develppment of a restrained drinking scale:
A test 6f the abstenence violation effect among alcohol users. benaviur Addictive Behaviors, 1985, 2, 3'5-371.
Review of: Alcohol, Drug abuse and Aggression, E. Cottheil et al. (Ed.),
Contemporary Psychology., 1985, 3_0, (3) , ~189-191.
McKirnan, D.J. & Johnson, T. Alcohol and Drug Use Among " Street" Adolescento.
Addictive Beliaviors, In Press, 1985. '
McKirnan, D.J. & Johnson, T. The limits of Self-help: The Birth and Death of an Ex-Mental Patient Self !!cip and Advocacy Organization. To be submitted to American Journal of Community Psychology. (In preparation).
McKirnan, D.J. Alcoholism. Medical and IIcalth Annual, 1985. Encyclopedia
- Britannica Inc, Chicago, 1985. Pp. 190-194.
McKirnan, D.J. Drinking norms among young adults: A stress - vulnerability approach. Addictive Behaviors, In Press, 1985.
.!Q
'McKirntn,'D.J. *
' q(* .
Papers Presented at Professional Meetings McKirnan, D.J. A community approach to alcohol abuse. Paper presented to the annual meeting of the Canadian Psychological Association, Toronto, Ontario, ,
June, 1976.
McKirnan, D.J. The definition of alcohol abuse in three Montreal communities.
Paper presented to the annual meeting of the Canadian Psychological Association, Vancouver, British Columbia, 1977.
McKirnan, D.J. Some thoughts on the " unit of analysis" in social psychology.
Paper presented to the annual meeting of the Canadian Psychological Association, Vancouver, British Columbia, June, 1977.
McKirnan, D.J. & Hamayan, E.V. Language norms and percept!ons of ethno-linguistic group differences. Paper presented to the British Psychological Society, Social Psychology Section, International Conference on Social Psychology and Language, Bristol, England, July, 1979 (Invited paper) .
McKirnan, D.J. Invited discussant: Socio-emotional Development and Childhood Bilingualism. Conference on Childhood Bilingualism: Aspects of Cognitive, Social and Emotional Development. New York: June, 1982.
McKirnan, D.J. Social Norms and Cross Cultural Factors in Alcohol Abuse. International Conference on Alcohol and Drug Abuse, Jerusalem, Israel, August, 1981 l (participation declined due to lack of travel funds.)
l McKirnan, D.J. A Social Psychological Model of the Identification of Alcohol Abuse.
. International Conference on the Addictions. Grand Canyon, New Mexico, L November, 1981.
McKirnan, D., Hamayan, E. & Morrow, J. A Belief - Similarity Approach to Language use in Interacial Contexts. International Conference on Language Problems and Policy, Cancun. Mexico, December, 1981.
Morrow, J. & McKirnan, D.J. Ethnic Identity and Conflicting Speech Norms.
International Conference on Language Problems and Policy, Cancun, Mexico, December, 1981.
McKirnan, D. Socio-economic Status Differences in the Identification of Deviance.
Midwestern Psychological Association Annual Meeting, May, 1981.
McKirnan, D.J. Language and Language norms as determinants of Percieved Belief-Similarity. American Psychological Association' Annual Meeting, August, 1982.
Ruderman, A. & McKirnan, D.J. Binging and Bending: A test of the Restrained Drinking Hypothesis. American Psychological Association Annual Meeting, August, 1982.
n . i - . .. - -
,3- ,
McKirnan. D.J.
-Professional Papers (continued)
'Hamayan, E.V. & McKirnan, D.J. The Importance of Being Fluent: Non-na tive Speech and Interpersonal Perceptions. Invited address; Third annual Language Assessment Institute, Chicago Ill. , June,1983.
- Hamayan, E. & McKirnan, D.J. Non-native speech: A conceptual and research framework of language norms. Annual TESOL convention, Toronto, March,1983.
McKirnan, D.J..& Hamayan, E.V. Speech norms and intergroup perceptions: A test of a model in a bi-cultural context. 2nd. International Conference on Social Psychology an Language, Bristol, England, July, 1983.
McKirnan, D.J.-6 Hamayan, E.V. Speech style and attitudes: The role of cultural inferences and causal attributions.- 2nd International Conference on Social
' Psychology and Language, Bristol England, July, 1983.
Hartman, D. & McKirnan, D.J. Risky decisions in depression: Sad schemas produce unexpected utility values. Annual Convention of the American Psychological Association, Anaheim California, August, 1983.
McKirnan, D.J. Models of Speech Norms in Social Interaction. Invited address, to be given at International Conf erence on Psychology, Language and EthAic Group Relations, University of Tasmania, Hobart Australia, August, 1985.
NcKirnan, D.J. Guest Symposium Convener: Language and Social Group Norms.
3rd. International Conference on Social Psychology and Language, Bristol, England, 1987. (Specific title to be announced.)
McKirnan, D. J. & Johnson, T. Alcohol and Drug Abuse Among " Street" Adolescents:
An Exploratory Study. Annual Convention.of the American Psychological Association, Los Angeles CA, August, 1985.
3 I.
i
(
L
3 McKirnen. D.J.
Professional Review Activities Gerst reviewer: Journal of Abnormal Psychology American Journal of Community Psychology
, Journal of Applied Psycholinguistics European Journal of Social Psychology Grant reviews: University of Illinois llcalth Sciences Center Intramural Grant Program Professional Organization Memberships Americal Psychological Association Canadian . Psychological Association Society of Psychologists in Substance Abuse B
)
i i
~
- r. a - - . - . ~ - _ . _ _ - . -_ . _ - _ . _ _ . - . _ _ . - - . - . - . _ - - . . _ - . - - - _ _ _ . _ . _ ..-_______-s-